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PTI leadership seeks explanation from Amir Dogar for ‘inappropriate’ statements

They say Dogar must be prudent on national security issues
SAMAA | Abbas Shabbir - Posted: Oct 13, 2021 | Last Updated: 23 mins ago

The leadership of the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf has demanded an explanation from the party’s chief whip in the National Assembly Amir Dogar for making ‘out of context’ comments on the appointment of the director-general of ISI.

It is reliably learnt that top figures in the government and party hierarchy were upset over his televised interview.

PTI leadership believed that Dogar’s interview had created inappropriate impression at national and political levels.

According to party leaders, providing details of official meetings was the responsibility of the ministry of information and relevant spokespersons.

A senior party leader said that Dogar should have adopted a more prudent approach while dealing with national security issues.

On Tuesday, Dogar, in an interview on SAMAA TV show Nadeem Malik Live, said Prime Minister Imran Khan wanted to retain the director-general of the Inter Services Intelligence.

He revealed that the premier wanted to keep DG ISI Lieutenant-General Faiz Hameed on his post in view of the emerging situation in Afghanistan.

The PM took the cabinet into confidence on this issue and told the members that he wished to retain Faiz Hameed as DG ISI for a few months until a settlement in Afghanistan was achieved, Dogar said.

He quoted the prime minister as saying that he enjoyed an ideal relationship with Chief of Army Staff Qamar Javed Bajwa.

System’s widening cracks

Zahid Hussain
Published October 13, 2021

The writer is the author of No-Win War — The Paradox of US-Pakistan Relations in Afghanistan’s Shadow.


HYBRID rule may have delivered a semblance of political stability to the country but the system also has an inherent source of tension. The imbalance of power between the security establishment and the civilian side could lead to a breakdown of the political structure. Most previous civilian governments in Pakistan can be described as amalgams with certain policy areas remaining strictly under the establishment’s domain. Civilian control is a misnomer given the heavy shadow cast by security agencies over the country’s political landscape.

But the present political set-up has been the first experiment in what can be described as truly hybrid rule, with the establishment providing the plank on which it is pivoted. Notwithstanding some minor glitches, the arrangement has worked well over the past three years propping up a shaky coalition government.

Some cracks, however, seem to have emerged in the alignment in recent weeks. The reported clash between the prime minister and the security leadership over the appointment of the ISI chief is symptomatic of the widening gap between the two. The fault lines are hard to fix.

Editorial: The intense discussion on new DG ISI's appointment is a sad reflection of state of affairs in Pakistan

It’s obvious that the prime minister chose the wrong issue for asserting his authority. His reported insistence on retaining the outgoing spymaster raised questions about possible political motives. The military leadership reacted by notifying the appointment of the new chief apparently without the prime minister’s approval and in violation of the rules, leading to a stand-off.



Regardless of the outcome, a growing gap between the civil and military leadership has been revealed. There are some other issues too making things more complicated. According to political observers, the two sides are not seen to be on the same page in the handling of critical foreign and security matters. How to deal with the TTP has become a contentious issue too with the prime minister appearing too eager to reconcile with the outlawed militant group that is responsible for the death of thousands of Pakistanis.

Editorial: PM's argument that TTP is a product of Pakhtun nationalism is dangerously flawed

Curiously, the strains within the hybrid structure have appeared as politics in the country is getting into election mode. Some PTI insiders maintain that it is imperative for the party to shed the tag of ‘selected’ before going to polls. But it will not be so easy for the party leadership to delink itself completely from the security establishment whose support is seen as critical to its rise to power.

An unstable coalition administration with a very thin majority cannot afford to take on the establishment, and it is especially difficult for a government with a weak democratic credentials to do so. Over the last three years, the prime minister’s policy of confrontation has weakened
democratic institutions.

His contempt for elected institutions is evident. His refusal to engage with the opposition even on important constitutional matters and to develop a national consensus on crucial foreign and security policies has given greater space to the security establishment that has reinforced its position as an arbiter of power.

A divided opposition may not present any significant challenge to the government but the latter’s undemocratic moves could further erode its political position. Over the last few months, the government has brought several laws through presidential ordinances bypassing parliament.

The most controversial move has been the amendment in NAB rules extending the term in office of the incumbent chairman whose credibility and impartiality have been questioned. One-sided accountability of the opposition leaders has made the anti-corruption body controversial and an extension for an individual heading a tainted process simply reinforces allegations of a witch-hunt.

There is some truth to the accusation that the PTI government is destroying civilian state institutions in a systematic manner. The government has been running a concerted campaign against the chief election commissioner making the constitutional body (ECP) controversial. Instead of sitting with the opposition for reforming election rules to make the polls free and fair, the PTI government is trying to impose unilateral changes in the electoral process. Ignoring the ECP’s objections, the prime minister is adamant on using electronic voting machines in the next polls.

This system has not been tried before in the country. The opposition has already rejected the proposal for electronic voting. Any one-sided decision to change the voting process will make the coming elections controversial and deal a serious blow to the already messed-up democratic process. Lacking in governance the government is increasingly resorting to authoritarian practices.

Instead of focusing on more pressing problems eg economic downturn and skyrocketing inflation, the government is continuing on a divisive path. Meanwhile, the country is facing serious external policy and national security challenges with the fast-changing regional geopolitics. But there seems to be no realisation in the government about the seriousness of the situation. Populist rhetoric has been taken as a substitute for clear policy direction.

Most worrying is the prime minister’s recent statement on talks with elements of the proscribed TTP. He said the negotiations were part of the reconciliation process and that those who are willing to lay down arms would be pardoned. The offer of amnesty raises questions about the government’s counterterrorism policy. The reconciliation move would wipe out the gains made by the security forces in the battle against terrorism.

Interestingly, in the face of such daunting challenges, the prime minister’s lectures on morality and Islamic history have become more frequent and persistent. He seems to be more concerned about what he describes as “rising obscenity” in society. He recently set up a new Islamic authority that would monitor the country’s education system and media. Such moves won’t take the country forward.

Even if the current tension between the civilian and military leadership is resolved soon, it may not address the inherent problems in the hybrid structure. The weakening of the democratic process and worsening governance will further increase the imbalance.

The writer is the author of No-Win War — The Paradox of US-Pakistan Relations in Afghanistan’s Shadow.
[email protected]
Twitter: @hidhussain

Published in Dawn, October 13th, 2021
@aliraza @AliYusuf @BATMAN Whats cooking?
 

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System’s widening cracks

Zahid Hussain
Published October 13, 2021

The writer is the author of No-Win War — The Paradox of US-Pakistan Relations in Afghanistan’s Shadow.


HYBRID rule may have delivered a semblance of political stability to the country but the system also has an inherent source of tension. The imbalance of power between the security establishment and the civilian side could lead to a breakdown of the political structure. Most previous civilian governments in Pakistan can be described as amalgams with certain policy areas remaining strictly under the establishment’s domain. Civilian control is a misnomer given the heavy shadow cast by security agencies over the country’s political landscape.

But the present political set-up has been the first experiment in what can be described as truly hybrid rule, with the establishment providing the plank on which it is pivoted. Notwithstanding some minor glitches, the arrangement has worked well over the past three years propping up a shaky coalition government.

Some cracks, however, seem to have emerged in the alignment in recent weeks. The reported clash between the prime minister and the security leadership over the appointment of the ISI chief is symptomatic of the widening gap between the two. The fault lines are hard to fix.

Editorial: The intense discussion on new DG ISI's appointment is a sad reflection of state of affairs in Pakistan

It’s obvious that the prime minister chose the wrong issue for asserting his authority. His reported insistence on retaining the outgoing spymaster raised questions about possible political motives. The military leadership reacted by notifying the appointment of the new chief apparently without the prime minister’s approval and in violation of the rules, leading to a stand-off.



Regardless of the outcome, a growing gap between the civil and military leadership has been revealed. There are some other issues too making things more complicated. According to political observers, the two sides are not seen to be on the same page in the handling of critical foreign and security matters. How to deal with the TTP has become a contentious issue too with the prime minister appearing too eager to reconcile with the outlawed militant group that is responsible for the death of thousands of Pakistanis.

Editorial: PM's argument that TTP is a product of Pakhtun nationalism is dangerously flawed

Curiously, the strains within the hybrid structure have appeared as politics in the country is getting into election mode. Some PTI insiders maintain that it is imperative for the party to shed the tag of ‘selected’ before going to polls. But it will not be so easy for the party leadership to delink itself completely from the security establishment whose support is seen as critical to its rise to power.

An unstable coalition administration with a very thin majority cannot afford to take on the establishment, and it is especially difficult for a government with a weak democratic credentials to do so. Over the last three years, the prime minister’s policy of confrontation has weakened
democratic institutions.

His contempt for elected institutions is evident. His refusal to engage with the opposition even on important constitutional matters and to develop a national consensus on crucial foreign and security policies has given greater space to the security establishment that has reinforced its position as an arbiter of power.

A divided opposition may not present any significant challenge to the government but the latter’s undemocratic moves could further erode its political position. Over the last few months, the government has brought several laws through presidential ordinances bypassing parliament.

The most controversial move has been the amendment in NAB rules extending the term in office of the incumbent chairman whose credibility and impartiality have been questioned. One-sided accountability of the opposition leaders has made the anti-corruption body controversial and an extension for an individual heading a tainted process simply reinforces allegations of a witch-hunt.

There is some truth to the accusation that the PTI government is destroying civilian state institutions in a systematic manner. The government has been running a concerted campaign against the chief election commissioner making the constitutional body (ECP) controversial. Instead of sitting with the opposition for reforming election rules to make the polls free and fair, the PTI government is trying to impose unilateral changes in the electoral process. Ignoring the ECP’s objections, the prime minister is adamant on using electronic voting machines in the next polls.

This system has not been tried before in the country. The opposition has already rejected the proposal for electronic voting. Any one-sided decision to change the voting process will make the coming elections controversial and deal a serious blow to the already messed-up democratic process. Lacking in governance the government is increasingly resorting to authoritarian practices.

Instead of focusing on more pressing problems eg economic downturn and skyrocketing inflation, the government is continuing on a divisive path. Meanwhile, the country is facing serious external policy and national security challenges with the fast-changing regional geopolitics. But there seems to be no realisation in the government about the seriousness of the situation. Populist rhetoric has been taken as a substitute for clear policy direction.

Most worrying is the prime minister’s recent statement on talks with elements of the proscribed TTP. He said the negotiations were part of the reconciliation process and that those who are willing to lay down arms would be pardoned. The offer of amnesty raises questions about the government’s counterterrorism policy. The reconciliation move would wipe out the gains made by the security forces in the battle against terrorism.

Interestingly, in the face of such daunting challenges, the prime minister’s lectures on morality and Islamic history have become more frequent and persistent. He seems to be more concerned about what he describes as “rising obscenity” in society. He recently set up a new Islamic authority that would monitor the country’s education system and media. Such moves won’t take the country forward.

Even if the current tension between the civilian and military leadership is resolved soon, it may not address the inherent problems in the hybrid structure. The weakening of the democratic process and worsening governance will further increase the imbalance.

The writer is the author of No-Win War — The Paradox of US-Pakistan Relations in Afghanistan’s Shadow.
[email protected]
Twitter: @hidhussain

Published in Dawn, October 13th, 2021
Sir @Khafee do you think , PM will survive after this current scenario, Baluchistan govt already on the edge. Recent developments shows the end of PM Niazi's show.
 

Khafee

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My guess, IK is waiting for clearance from his supreme leader.
IRGC chief made a recent trip to Pakistan, very surely he delivered future action plan to associates of Imran Khan.
He sure is punching above his weight.
 

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Sir @Khafee do you think , PM will survive after this current scenario, Baluchistan govt already on the edge. Recent developments shows the end of PM Niazi's show.
Mil is saying: "Meri billi, mujh say meow"? Lets see how long he lasts. I guess it all depends on how fast Jehangir Tareen can put a replacement team together.
 

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Mil is saying: "Meri billi, mujh say meow"? Lets see how long he lasts. I guess it all depends on how fast Jehangir Tareen can put a replacement team together.
Sir one rumor is also on high in social media that khan might end this assembly by advice to President. If that happens then what would be the response by the army. Thanks
 

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He sure is punching above his weight.

Recently there was a protest in Tehran against ISI... could it be that Imran Khan is being tasked by his supreme leader, to tame ISI.

Any chance, Bajwa is advising Imran Khan covertly, but cunningly behaving like he is on military side?
 

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Sir one rumor is also on high in social media that khan might end this assembly by advice to President. If that happens then what would be the response by the army. Thanks

I doubt any such action from IK. If he's not PM, he'll be in jail on many counts and he knows it.
 

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Sir one rumor is also on high in social media that khan might end this assembly by advice to President. If that happens then what would be the response by the army. Thanks
Right now he is flying high as a kite, and thinks the Army is subservient to him. The DG ISI issue is still not resolved as per him. GHQ couldn't care less.

If he disolves the NA, then he will be out of poltics for good. He is done. The next <2yrs is all that youthias have. after that they will be running from pillar to post trying to justify the following, among other issues:

1)How Hammad Azhar rejected the NEPRA report on buying expensive electricity due to GoP's incompetence & corruption.

2) The increase in petroleum products pricing, had nothing to do with the price of crude, it had everything to do with IMF, and we all know the promises made pre-election on IMF by IK himself.

3) The idiotic rhetoric of setting up a block with Turkey. Now Turkey has normalized its relationship with GCC, but Pakistan is left out in the cold. What a master stroke of Foreign Policy!

4) PTI talks about increasing exports, but gas shortages are getting worse.

5) Not even 1% of the promised US$200bn promised pre-election has been recovered, despite 3+yrs in power. Neither are the 200 experts he had in his back pocket, visible anywhere. Neither has corruption or red tape been reduced.

One cant help wonder if the above aren't anti-Pakistan agendas, then what are?
 

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Right now he is flying high as a kite, and thinks the Army is subservient to him. The DG ISI issue is still not resolved as per him. GHQ couldn't care less.

If he disolves the NA, then he will be out of poltics for good. He is done. The next <2yrs is all that youthias have. after that they will be running from pillar to post trying to justify the following, among other issues:

1)How Hammad Azhar rejected the NEPRA report on buying expensive electricity due to GoP's incompetence & corruption.

2) The increase in petroleum products pricing, had nothing to do with the price of crude, it had everything to do with IMF, and we all know the promises made pre-election on IMF by IK himself.

3) The idiotic rhetoric of setting up a block with Turkey. Now Turkey has normalized its relationship with GCC, but Pakistan is left out in the cold. What a master stroke of Foreign Policy!

4) PTI talks about increasing exports, but gas shortages are getting worse.

5) Not even 1% of the promised US$200bn promised pre-election has been recovered, despite 3+yrs in power. Neither are the 200 experts he had in his back pocket, visible anywhere. Neither has corruption or red tape been reduced.

One cant help wonder if the above aren't anti-Pakistan agendas, then what are?
Sir , you are absolutely right. But so many people who still think that, this man can deliver change. But i agree with you , those people lived in fool's paradise.pti govt ruined Pakistan and its economy comprehensively.
 

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Sir , you are absolutely right. But so many people who still think that, this man can deliver change. But i agree with you , those people lived in fool's paradise.pti govt ruined Pakistan and its economy comprehensively.

How was the economy ruined by PTI comprehensively? What did they inherit?

If not IK, then who do we have to lead the government post PTI?
 

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How was the economy ruined by PTI comprehensively? What did they inherit?

If not IK, then who do we have to lead the government post PTI?
Sir if the GDP goes into negative from 5.8% and still you think they are not responsible to ruin the economy.
Any one can be better than these " mangay tangay k intellectual" party. Even Labaik Tehrik, Jamat e Islami, any one would be better than these party. People in pti are just collected from Pmln, pppp, Jui, MQM, can't make any difference even they are worst then their past performance.
 

Gripen9

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Sir if the GDP goes into negative from 5.8% and still you think they are not responsible to ruin the economy.
Any one can be better than these " mangay tangay k intellectual" party. Even Labaik Tehrik, Jamat e Islami, any one would be better than these party. People in pti are just collected from Pmln, pppp, Jui, MQM, can't make any difference even they are worst then their past performance.
Can you explain what was driving the so called 5.8% GDP ?
 

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Sir if the GDP goes into negative from 5.8% and still you think they are not responsible to ruin the economy.
Any one can be better than these " mangay tangay k intellectual" party. Even Labaik Tehrik, Jamat e Islami, any one would be better than these party. People in pti are just collected from Pmln, pppp, Jui, MQM, can't make any difference even they are worst then their past performance.
are you not forgetting something COVID...... plus have you seen inflation in other parts of the world and status of economies of other countries..
 
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